Scoring points
Lately, Donald Trump has been obsessed with scoring points, rather than with the realities that follow from them. His budget bill is fraught with numerous unseen risks, including inflation and increased deficits. As for trade, he gets on swimmingly with Britain’s Prime Minister, Sir Keir Starmer, but not so well with the European Union. Indeed, one worries that none of his legislative triumphs, which were to mark the beginning of Trump’s “golden age,” truly succeeded as intended.
On paper, the President has been as successful as any before him in taking command of the government. He resembles Lyndon Johnson in that he personalizes his triumphs by flashes of egotism and overstatement. Johnson displayed this trait often, as when he was directed to his Helicopter at Fort Bragg in 1967. When a soldier said, “Mr. President, that’s your helicopter,” LBJ rejoined, “Son, they’re all my helicopters”. As for his “War on Poverty” part of his “Great Society”, it was supposed to make the United States the template for progress.
To some extent, the personalities are similar. Johnson could be crude and generous at the same time, and so it is with Trump. They were both wealthy. LBJ and the Donald are probably the wealthiest presidents to serve. But their styles are very different. Johnson was a consummate politician and very shrewd. Much has been made of Trump’s cloddish mocking of Stephen Colbert after CBS terminated his show. Johnson’s letter to the Smothers Brothers Comedy Hour in 1968, showing light-heartedness, seemed to make him appear a good sport. Actually, Johnson tried to terminate the show by lobbying an old friend, William Paley, who ran CBS. It did not hurt that Johnson owned a CBS affiliate in Austin, Texas, KTCB, which was technically controlled by Lady Bird, his wife, and was later changed to KLBJ. Eventually, the show was canceled.
Trump and Johnson enjoyed wielding power, but LBJ was more subtle. The exercise of influence, no matter how effective, can often seem tawdry to the public. For this reason, neither “Mr. Golden Age” nor “Mr. Great Society” is considered particularly popular. Polls and legislative victories can only go so far, and Trump, like Johnson, has experienced their limits.
Additionally, Trump shares a similar habit of exaggerating his triumphs, another characteristic he has in common with LBJ. Medicare, the Voting Rights Act, and numerous benefits doled out to the public did not save Johnson or his designated successor, Hubert Humphrey, in 1968. Despite a 3.6% unemployment rate, the Democrats managed to secure only 43% of the vote, while Richard Nixon and George Wallace garnered 57%. Vietnam, and law and order eclipsed LBJ’s domestic achievements. Trump’s tendency to overreach is not an asset.
Whatever the public’s perception of business is, Trump’s major weakness could prove his undoing. If a crisis explodes, Trump cannot rely on his sparkling personality; he steps on too many toes. He oversells his program, which he presents as “a big, beautiful bill.” It could prove, like Icarus’ Wings, made only of feathers and wax, only to be melted by the sun.
