Donald Trump’s retribution campaign brings to mind Richard Nixon’s obsession with getting even with opponents. Even though it was clear his Democratic challenger would be George McGovern in 1972, Republicans broke into the DNC Watergate Headquarters, along with “dirty tricks, one of them creating a bogus diplomatic cable linking John Kennedy to the assassination of South Vietnamese President Ngo Dinh Diem in 1963. This was heavy-handed and later regarded as over the top.

Dick Tuck, an old Democratic prankster, had managed to attract the ire of Nixon. Indeed, he sabotaged several Nixon rallies with actions that amounted to minor inconveniences. But Nixon’s earnest and bloody-minded advocates did not see it the same way. When Nixon’s former chief of staff, H.R. “Bob” Haldeman, met with Tuck, he blurted, “You started all this.” Tuck replied, “Yeah, Bob, but you guys ran it into the ground.”

At present, Trump fails to understand the difference in much the same way Haldeman did. No longer is the President funny, light, or even interesting; he is vicious. He proposed that his opponents be tried in court and sent to jail. His Caesar-like presence at the Kennedy Center indicates that he knows no limits.

Given the mood of the worst Supreme Court since Roger B. Taney’s in the 1850’s, Trump might succeed. Indeed, he is in better shape than Nixon’s court. But his egoism, bluster, and brag may just undo Trump’s prospects in the court of public opinion.

This points to the folly of retribution and carelessness. Trump gets in his own way. He has every right to test the limits of presidential power. But doing it in such a fashion makes it appear dangerous and a threat to the Republic itself.

Trump needs to explain to the public why he sees increased power as essential to the nation’s welfare. Instead, just as Nixon did, Trump appears to press executive supremacy to a point of absurdity.

Many former corporate CEO’s take the view of “never complain, never explain,” which they regard as proper. But Presidents need to try to forge coalitions and support by articulating sound arguments. Trump is very good at deriding his opposition but not particularly skillful at making a case. The uniting view of the executive branch is legitimate, but Trump is not good at selling the point.

Trump is behaving more like Franklin Roosevelt, who, in 1937, tried to enlarge the Supreme Court. Nixon tried to change the structure of government, and this ran aground of his retribution campaign. If Trump continues on his present course, he may, like Nixon and FDR, help discredit a perfectly good idea. A little patience and a pivot to approach may serve him better than this irresponsible campaign of revenge.