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Risky moves

Well, Donald Trump finally got to hold a Nobel Peace Prize, which was gifted to him by last year’s winner, María Corina Machado. Unfortunately, this regifting was not recognized by the Norwegian-based committee. Some wondered whether the original prize was deserved, given that Machado encouraged a foreign government to attack her home country to open the way for the opposition.

It would appear that Machado abased herself to no purpose. Her attempt to flatter Trump fell on deaf ears. It seems that he favors the present Venezuelan Vice President, Delcy Rodríguez. This action by Trump shows his suspicion of nation-building. Although his Secretary of State, Marco Rubio, seems to favor the old approach followed by former presidents, attempting to construct “democracy” in countries America occupies. Trump appears to reject this course that led to problems in Vietnam, Afghanistan, and Iraq. He refuses to intervene in Ukraine mainly because he is reluctant to be stuck with the bill.

This in no way excuses Trump’s intervention in Venezuela, but it does suggest a novel approach. He is willing to depend on the remnants of Nicolas Maduro’s regime to provide civil order, and he did not make the familiar mistake of sending “boots on the ground” into the whole country. It might be a gigantic bluff to acquire oil, but it appears that Trump chose limited force to impress South American regimes with America’s power. At present, it is a very modest intervention by American standards.

Although establishment foreign policy observers prefer Rubio’s traditional solutions, Trump might be more cautious. Elections sound good, but they are not a reliable solution. Iraq has held many elections, yet it has solved nothing. Libya is a failed state despite a few attempts to establish a stable government. Afghanistan went down the same path, no success but much blood and treasure lost.

No doubt Rubio will try to push Machado’s cause, and Trump will try to resist the policy. South Vietnam in the mid 1950’s was trying to establish a government, and some in the United States pushed Ngo Dinh Di3m. President Dwight Eisenhower sent an old army colleague, Joseph “Lightnin’ Joe” Collins, to appraise the situation. He recommended not promoting Diem, whom many saw as dogmatic and authoritarian. But members of the US Congress and sympathetic elements in the military, along with the CIA, decided otherwise. In the end, Eisenhower dropped his previous reservations, and Diem stayed in place. Eight years later, in November 1963, he was overthrown in a coup d’etat partially organized by the U.S. Such mistakes caused a diplomatic failure in Vietnam, along with almost 60,000 killed. This left a bad taste in American mouths for intervention. Afghanistan and Iraq further lessened the American public’s desire for foreign wars.

Perhaps Trump knows this and, instead of regime change, opted for a half-loaf. But this comes with risk, as each approach, including restoring Venezuela’s oil industry, is pursued, the US might need to expand its military presence. Either way, military moves should not be taken lightly.

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